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| Characters of Oruç and Khairuddin in "Barbaroslar Akdeniz'in Kılıcı" |
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Barbarossa Brothers: Islamic Dominance in the Mediterranean Sea (Part Three)
Origin of the Brothers Oruç and Khairuddin
The father of the two warrior brothers, Yaqub bin Yusuf, was one of the surviving Turkish Muslim conquerors who landed on the island of Midilli, one of the archipelago's islands. [19] The two brothers' ancestors were Muslim Turks. Their mother, a Muslim from Andalusia, influenced her kids to focus more of their energies on the nation of Andalusia, which was being subjected to the persecution of the Portuguese and Spanish at that time. Ishaq and Muhammad Ilyas are the other two brave brothers of Oruç and Khairddin.
Muslim historians have based their Islamic origin on the following arguments:
- What the Algerian historian Ahmed Tawfiq Madani mentioned based on two monuments that still exist in Algeria, the first of which is an inscribed marble that was placed on the door of the Cherchell Fort which says: (In the name of God, the Most Gracious and the Most Merciful, and may God’s blessings be upon our Prophet Muhammad and his family. This is the Cherchell Tower, built by the Warrior Mahmoud bin Faris al-Turki in the rule of “Oruç bin Yaqub” the ruler by the command of God, the fighter in the path of God with his permission, dated nine hundred and twenty-four (1518 AD). The second is a marble that was on the door of the Shawas Mosque in the Algerian capital which is engraved with: (The name “Oruç”, son of Abi Yusuf Yaqoub al Turki). There is a third on which is somewhat said Khairuddin in Algeria in the year 1520 AD. [20]
- The name “Oruç” (‘urūj) is taken from the event of the Night Journey and Mi’raj, on the night of which (27th Rajab) it is likely that he was born, and the Turk, they pronounce it “Oruç” and then in Arabic it changes to ‘urūj. [21]
- What has been said on the brothers' part validates their willingness to fight for the sake of God in the battles and to oppose Spain's and Portugal's ambitions in the Muslim kingdoms of northern Africa. After the Muslims were expelled from Andalusia, the brothers started maritime wars against the Christians, which in the sixteenth century developed into significant centres in Cherchell, Oran, Algeria, Dély, Béjaïa, and other places. The war was further reinforced by the arrival of more Muslims, Andalusian fugitives, whom had navigators, artists, and shipbuilders among them. [22]
Role of the Brothers in the battle against the Christian invasion
The brothers Oruç and Khairudd0in began their maritime combat in childhood, focusing their efforts initially on the sea of the archipelago surrounding their hometown during 1510 AD. However, the intense fighting between the Muslims and Christian forces in Andalusia and North Africa, which grew more intense at the start of the sixteenth century, drew the brothers to shift their activities to these regions, particularly after the Portuguese and Spaniards were able to take control of numerous towns and ports in North Africa. [23]
The feeble Islamic armies in these areas were pleased by the brothers' several successes over Christian pirates. And this is demonstrated by the Hafsid Sultan giving them permission to settle on the island of Djerba in Tunisia, which exposed him to constant Spanish attacks and compelled him to accept their protection against Spanish through coercion and force. Additionally, it is evident from the popularity of the nation's citizens towards them and their influence within their own nation, which has given them a popular base to rule Algeria and some surrounding regions. Some historians contend that the arrival of «Oruç» and his brother in Algeria and their rule over it were not motivated by the will of the public, but rather by the presence of forces that had been waiting for an opportunity to drive out the two brothers and the Turks who supported them.
On the other hand, some historians contend that the arrival of Oruç and his brother was motivated by the residents of the region to save them from the fierce Spanish attack, and that the simple forces that resisted their existence were represented by some rulers who were removed from power in front of the brothers' serious attempts to unify the country, as before their arrival the country was similar to that of the kings of the Andalusian sects. Most of the people of the country supported the attempts of the two brothers, and large numbers of them participated in these campaigns, as well as Many local rulers who felt the danger of the Spanish Crusader invasion. [24]
The two Mujahideen brothers moved and played a part in the 1512 AD attempt to free Bejaia from Spanish rule. With the aim of serving as a reinforcement station for the liberation of Bejaia on the one hand, and as a means of assisting the Muslims of Andalusia on the other, they established their base of operations against the Spanish forces in the port of Jijel in eastern Algeria after they were able to enter it and kill its Genoese protectors in 1514 AD. It seems that the two brothers have faced a strong alliance against them that resulted in many frequent battles, which they are not used to, but they were forced to do so by the stability in the rule of Algeria. The situation was worsened by the death of Oruç in one of the battles in 1518 AD, which forced Khairuddin to search for an alliance to help him to stability and resistance and continue jihad.
The Ottoman Empire was the most likely candidate for this alliance due to its significant influence in the Mediterranean region and the support it received from the local forces in North Africa. The empire likewise continued to win victories on the European stage after conquering Constantinople, and any trend that violated it would increase the support for Khairuddin's role. Furthermore, the Ottoman Empire responded to requests for help from the brothers and expressed a desire for more support for both his role and the remaining Muslims in Andalusia. From a religious perspective, it helped them win over more people to their cause and made it desirable to try to get closer to them and to ally with them. [25]
On the other hand, the conditions in the Ottoman Empire during the reign of Sultan Selim I were ready to accept this alliance, especially after the Ottoman forces headed to the Arab East, and one of their most prominent goals in this direction, as previously explained, was to address the role of the Portuguese, the Spaniards, and the Knights Hospitaller in the region, and it was logical to ally with any of the local forces that help them achieve these goals. [26]
Alliance with the Ottomans
The beginning of the Ottoman alliance with the brothers Oruç and Khairuddin is a topic of debate among historians. However, some sources state that Sultan Selim I ordered their expedition to the African coast in response to a pleading for assistance from the people of North Africa, with the intention of destroying the objectives of the Portuguese and Spanish in the Mediterranean. This story is not widely known among historians, but it shows that the Ottomans were aware of what was happening in the Mediterranean region.
Some historians date the alliance between them to the year 1514 AD following the conquest of Oruç and Khairuddin to the port of "Jijel", where the brothers sent to Sultan Selim I a group of precious things that they seized after the conquest of the city. The Sultan accepted it and returned the gift by sending fourteen warships well equipped with weapons and soldiers [27], and this response from the Ottoman Sultan reflects his desire to continue the activities of the two brothers, and to support them. But other historians point out that the Ottomans supported this movement following Oruç's death in 1518 AD and after the Ottoman Sultan returned from Egypt to Istanbul in 1519 AD. [28]
The most likely view, however, is that relations with the Ottomans occurred before Oruç’s death, and before the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Egypt. This is due to the fact that the two brothers were in dire need of support or alliance with the Ottomans after their failure to conquer Béjaïa, and they were also trapped in Jijel between the Hafsids, who became followers of the Spaniards, and Salim al-Toumi, the ruler of Algeria, whose rule was also based on the support of the Spaniards. The powerful Knights of St. John (Knights Hospitaller) along with the Spaniards also were attacking them at sea. The arrival of Ottoman support had an impact on their role, and they began to enter Algeria despite these factors. The Ottomans agreed with the two brothers on the need to speed up their entry before the Spanish forces because that is the excellent location which would allow them to use their base to sabotage other Islamic ports that the Spanish were occupying, such as Béjaïa.
Oruç was able to enter Algeria thanks to this support, and killed its ruler after ensuring of his efforts to seek the help of Spanish forces. he entered the port of Cherchell and took the control of Algeria, announcing it in the same year in which the Mamluk forces were defeated by the Ottoman forces in the Levant in 1516 AD at the site of Marj Dabiq. [29] The two brothers would not have been able to make these conquests without the encouragement and support of the Ottoman Sultan along with the support of the peoples of the region while they had already failed to enter Bejaia in front of the same hostile forces before.
Khairuddin became the hand of hope for many states and ports that were still under Spanish rule and after he took the control of Algeria as a result of his victories over the Spaniards and some local leaders. The Tlemcen people were the first to demand his help. Khairuddin's presence in Algeria was unstable due to the strategic location of Tlemcen, which made him consider intervening before the people requested his assistance. And their demands had made a reason that he expedite it. [30]
In 1517, Khairuddin organised a sizable army that marched to Tlemcen and blocked the route there. Once he managed to take control of it, the Spaniards and their operatives from Bani Hammoud managed to reclaim it. During their prolonged siege of the city, which lasted for at least six months until 1518 AD, many of Khairuddin's men perished along with two of his brothers, Ishaq and Oruç.
The letter from residents of Algiers to Sultan Selim I
Prof. Dr. Abdul Jalil Al-Tamimi translated a Turkish document from the Historical Archives in Istanbul, Topkapi palace, No. 4656, which is a letter addressed by the inhabitants of the town of Algeria at all levels. It is dated in the early month of Dhu al-Qa'dah in 925 AH, from 26 October to 3 November 1519 AD, and written by order of Khair al-Din to Sultan Selim after his return from Egypt, and the Levant to Istanbul. The purpose of this letter was to link Algeria to the Ottoman Empire.
According to the letter, Khairuddin was willing to personally visit Istanbul to discuss Algeria's issues with Sultan Selim I. However, Algiers leaders requested his stay to face potential enemies. Khairuddin sent a messenger on his behalf, addressed by judges, preachers, jurists, imams, merchants, notables, and the inhabitants of Algiers, a city deeply loyal to the Ottoman Empire. Their leader was the scholar Abu al-Abbas Ahmed bin Qadi, who was a military and political leader in Algeria. He effectively depicted the country's conditions and threats from all sides. The delegation praised Oruç's battles against infidels and his support of religion. He was a protector of Muslims and was martyred in the siege of Tlemcen. His brother, Khairuddin, who defended them with justice and fairness. He followed the Prophet's explanation and dedicated himself and his money to jihad, satisfaction, and the exaltation of God's word. They love Khairuddin and are willing to serve him. It assures that the people of Bejaia, are in service of the Sultanate. He respects Islamic law principles and takes justice as a law and method in governance. Khairuddin's activity is focused on leading armed operations against Christians. The delegation aims to present the situation in Algeria to the Sultan. [31]
Des Ekin, an Irish journalist states that:
“This dated back to 1516 when, just as the Turks were about to lose Algiers to the Spanish, the desperate inhabitants called for help from the notorious Muslim corsair Khayr-al-Din Barbarossa. His pirates swooped in and saved the city for the grateful Sultan, who made him governor and sent out reinforcements of crack Janissary musketeers to act as a permanent garrison.” [32]
Sultan Selim granted the rank of Beylerbey to Khairuddin Barbarossa and became the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces in his region, resulting in Algeria becoming under Ottoman rule. Any external aggression on Algeria's territory was considered an attack on the Ottoman Empire. Sultan Selim supported this decision by sending a force of artillery and two thousand Janissary soldiers to Algeria, which became an element of political and military life in the Ottoman provinces in North Africa. He authorised volunteers to voyage to Algeria and engage in battles and granted them privileges to join the troops. The inhabitants of Anatolia migrated to Algeria for war operations against Christians.
Sultan Selim's decisions led to several important results, including Algeria officially entering under Ottoman sovereignty in 1519 AD, announcing Sultan Selim on mosque pulpits, and the coin being struck in his name. The entry of the Ottoman forces was not an invasion but was in response to the will of the people of the country. The region of Algeria became the first North African region to fall under Ottoman sovereignty, and it became a pillar of the Ottoman movement in the Mediterranean. The Ottomans aimed to extend their influence on all regions of North Africa, unite them under the banner of Islam, and rescue Muslims of Andalusia from the brutality of Christian Spaniards. [33]
He also had to deal with domestic issues while attempting to bring the central Maghreb together, which still suffered from the plots of the Zayyanids, Hafsids, and a few other minor tribes. Because of the Ottoman Empire's influence, it was able to unite its region. Little emirates came under Ottoman rule, and Khairuddin brought the Ottoman influence on some significant inner cities, including Constantine34. Khairuddin was able to establish the framework for an advanced state in Algeria, and the Ottomans were never far from him.
Western Interpretations on the Barbarossa Brothers
The 16th-century Western perceptions of the Barbarossa brothers, Khairuddin and Oruç Reis frequently portrayed them as strong, infamous, and piratical individuals. These views, which were formed by Western viewpoints, were impacted by political and theological prejudices in addition to the larger background of European-Ottoman hostilities and Mediterranean naval warfare.
The activities of the corsairs, which had been seen as piracy, raiding, and naval warfare, greatly influenced Western perceptions of the Barbarossa brothers. They have been accused of causing severe economic disruption by targeting merchant ships, coastal settlements, and even European cities while acting as pirates, mostly in the western Mediterranean. As European nations saw the Barbarossa brothers' raids as an act of piracy, the brothers' reputation suffered in Western histories.
Adrian Tinniswood, a British historian says on them:
“Tunis had long been known in Europe as a refuge for outcasts and outlaws. In the early sixteenth century, when Oruç Barbarossa made the city his base for raids on Venetian shipping, an entire community of Christian merchants settled there to trade in stolen goods.”[35]
Stephen Clissold on their war bounties:
“The adventurers soon began to reap rich rewards. The first prizes seized by their two light galliots were a couple of large papal galleys; soon afterwards there followed a Spanish galleon carrying 500 soldiers and treasure for the payment of troops in Italy. The captives were enslaved and the ships dismantled so that more galliots could be built from their timbers.” [36]
The Barbarossa brothers' conquest of the island of Ibiza in 1529, which they utilised as a base for their corsair operations, is one significant incident which served to shape this opinion. They threatened the interests of Spain and its allies by conducting raids on Spanish territory, especially in the Balearic Islands. The actions of the Barbarossa brothers were seen in light of the continuing conflict between the Habsburg and Ottoman empires, which had both political and theological overtones. Some historians merely introduce them as sea-robbers. [37]
Religious biases greatly influenced how the Barbarossa brothers were interpreted in the West. The brothers' depiction as enemies of Christendom was impacted by the ongoing theological struggle between Islam and Christianity at that moment. Spain was one of the Christian powers in Europe fighting the Ottoman Empire in a religious war, and the Barbarossa brothers were considered as emblems of the Islamic threat to Christianity. Because of this, Western academics and historians frequently demonised them as heretics and pirates who enjoyed attack on ships and selling the hostages as slaves. An historian states that:
“But even before Barbarossa’s day, Pope Leo X, whilst out hunting, had only Just escaped being seized by the corsair Kurdogli by galloping post-haste back to Rome. Two years later his admiral Paolo Vettori was among the many captives carried off to Tunis. Barbarossa brought to that city 5,000 captives from Minorca alone. In 1534, after devastating the country around Naples, he led an attack on Fondi with the object of capturing its ruler, the Countess Giulia Gonzaga, celebrated for her beauty, piety and learning, and presenting her as a spectacular addition to the Sultan’s harem. Fondi was laid in ruins and many of its inhabitants killed or enslaved, but the young countess was roused from sleep just in time to escape in her night-shift. A dozen years later, the Gulf of Naples was ravaged by the no less terrible Dragut. So great was the number of men and women taken that it was impossible to transport them all back to Barbary. A white flag was raised, and the corsairs invited their families and friends to buy back the captives on the spot. We hear of a similar deal being arranged outside Cadiz in 1559.” [38]
In the book “Christian slaves, Muslim masters” Robert C. Davis speak at length on the slave trade of Barbarossa brothers:
“A further problem is that between 1500 and 1578 there are essentially no slave figures at all. This is not such a problem for Tunis and Tripoli, which were variably under European control for much of that time, but a significant loss for Algiers, whose corsairs carried out some spectacular slave raids between 1518 and 1560, under the leadership of Kheir-ed-din Barbarossa and Turgut Reis. Often these plundering campaigns were in reality full-scale naval expeditions, resulting in pitched battles that might bring home thousands of captives at a time, taken from Christian fleets and from the coasts of Valencia and Granada, the Balearics, Campania, Calabria, and Sicily. So many prisoners flooded into the slave market of Algiers on occasion that, as the saying had it, one could “swap a Christian for an onion”. [39]
But this type of slave trade were not mentioned by Muslim historians, well even not by many western historians.
Baron Kinross on the gifts carried by Barbarossa to the sultan:
“He bore gifts on a regal scale for the Sultan, including camel loads of gold and jewels and precious fabrics, a menagerie of lions and other African beasts, and a large levy of young Christian women for the Sultan's harem, each bearing a gift of gold or silver.” [40] While Muslim interpretations portray these gifts rather smaller, not like this.
The Barbarossa brothers' cooperation with the Ottoman Empire was also highlighted in Western narratives, which contributed to the brothers' notoriety as pirates. Khairuddin and Oruç Reis were appointed admirals in the Ottoman Navy upon their alliance with the Ottomans, further confusing the distinction between state approved maritime warfare and piracy. The cooperation with the Ottomans was portrayed as a tactical partnership that gave them the opportunity to increase the scope of their corsair operations and launch raids on European regions, especially in the western Mediterranean.
It is important to remember that different sources have different interpretations of the Barbarossa brothers in the West, and some of them acknowledged the complex nature of their viewpoints. They were regarded as competent naval commanders in certain views, protecting the Ottoman Empire's interests in the Mediterranean. From an Ottoman perspective, their activities were justified as attempts to establish Ottoman authority, safeguard coastal regions, and secure trade routes. These opinions, meanwhile, frequently took a backseat to the popular Western narrative that portrayed the Barbarossa brothers as pirates.
Recently, the Barbarossa brothers have undergone another look. Even if their actions undermined Christian authority, Western scholars however recognize their achievements. Yet a more balanced viewpoint emerged, highlighting their significance in the Mediterranean setting, where alliances were shaped more by practical factors than by intense religious or ideological beliefs. Stephen Clissold in his book says that:
“His brother, who had been left in charge at Algiers, now assumed power. The Europeans knew him as Barbarossa, a nickname they had first given to Aruj on account of his ruddy beard; the Muslims were to confer on him the more honourable title of Khair al-Din, Defender of Religion, in recognition of the untold damage he came to inflict on the enemies of Islam.” [41]
Their alliances with the Ottoman Empire and impact on the geopolitics of the Mediterranean have been reassessed with less prejudice.
CONCLUSION
The examination of the Barbarossa brothers, Khairuddin and Oruç Reis, in the framework of Mediterranean history throughout the 16th century, together with the analyses of Muslim and Western academics, has unveiled a complicated structure of historical accounts, complex relationships, and opposing points of view. This research has aimed to bridge the gap between these perspectives, shedding light on the multifaceted legacy of the Barbarossa brothers in the Mediterranean Sea.
The Mediterranean region saw significant changes during the 16th century, including Ottoman expansion, Barbary Corsair activities, busy trade and cultural contacts, battles, conquests, and religious diversity. As iconic characters from this era, the Barbarossa brothers were crucial in forming this historical setting. Using primary and secondary sources, Muslim historians presented a distinct narrative that contradicted Western perceptions of the brothers by portraying them as valiant protectors of Islam and significant contributors to Ottoman growth. On the other hand, the Barbarossa brothers were frequently portrayed in Western interpretations as infamous pirates and enemies of Christendom, which were greatly influenced by piratical viewpoints. These opinions, which were based on political and religious prejudices, were representative of the larger Mediterranean rivalries and tensions between Europeans and Ottomans.
The differences in the narratives that scholars from these various cultural backgrounds have developed have been brought to light by the comparative study of these interpretations. It highlights how many perspectives can be applied to the same historical events, showing the need of taking these viewpoints into account when studying history.
This research serves as a stepping stone for further exploration and dialogue, encouraging scholars and readers to delve deeper into the intricacies of Mediterranean history and the legacies of figures like Khairuddin and Oruç Reis. It is a testament to the enduring relevance of historical analysis in the context of contemporary understanding and the continued appreciation of the Mediterranean's diverse and intricate history.
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27. Ibid (84)
28. Shenawi. Abdul Aziz Muhammad. (1986). Al-Dawlaẗ al-ʿuṯmāniyyaẗ Dawlaẗ Islāmiyyaẗ Mufṭary ʿalayhā.
Maktabaẗ al-Ānǧlū al-Miṣriyyaẗ. (2/909)
29. Ahmed Tawfiq. Al- Madani. (1984). Ḥrb al-Ṯalāṯūmiʾat Bayna al-Ǧzāʾir wa ʾisbāniya, 1492-1792National .
Book Foundation. Algeria. p(174,175)
30. Suleiman, Zakaria Bayoumi. (1991, January 1). Qirāʾẗ ǧadīdaẗ fī al-Tārīẖ al-ʿuṯmānī. p(86)
31. Shenawi. Abdul Aziz Muhammad. (1986). Al-Dawlaẗ al-ʿuṯmāniyyaẗ Dawlaẗ Islāmiyyaẗ Mufṭary ʿalayhā.
Maktabaẗ al-Ānǧlū al-Miṣriyyaẗ. (2/910)
32. Ekin, Des. (2008). The stolen village : a thrilling account of the 17th-century raid on Ireland by the Barbary
pirates, New York, N.Y. : Fall River Press, p(41)
33. Shenawi. Abdul Aziz Muhammad. (1986). Al-Dawlaẗ al-ʿuṯmāniyyaẗ Dawlaẗ Islāmiyyaẗ Mufṭary ʿalayhā.
Maktabaẗ al-Ānǧlū al-Miṣriyyaẗ. (2/911,912)
34. Ibid (2/913)
35.Tinniswood, A. (2011). Pirates of Barbary: Corsairs, Conquests and Captivity in the 17th-Century Mediterranean. Random House. p(38)
36. Clissold, S. (1977). The Barbary Slaves. (No Title). p(22)
37. Braudel, F. (1995). The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II: Volume II. United Kingdom: University of California Press. p(905)
38. Clissold, S. (1977). The Barbary Slaves. (No Title). p(37)
39. Davis, R. C. (2003). Christian slaves, Muslim masters: white slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500-1800 (p. 28). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. p(10)
40. Baron Kinross, P. B. (1977). The Ottoman centuries: the rise and fall of the Turkish empire. United Kingdom: Morrow. p(219)
41. Clissold, S. (1977). The Barbary Slaves. (No Title). p(23)